Elections Are A Major Institutional Pillar Politics Essay

Elections Are A Major Institutional Pillar Politics Essay Elections are a major institutional pillar of liberal democracy. They are the dominant element of political process as they provide the platform for exercising the basic rights of the people associated with democracy freedom of speech, association, choice and movement and the like. They also form the individuals rights of participation in the political process. For the masses they are the opportunity to make the political leaders accountable for their stewardship during the time they were in power, as well as subject to their power as the final sovereign of the country. An election is a competition for office based on a formal expression of preferences by a designated body of people at the ballot box.  [1]  As Yogesh Atal had observed, elections computes public opinion.  [2]  Therefore, elections signify the power of the people and provide legitimacy to the authority of the government. On the importance of elections, Norman D. Palmer, has observed: Elections are particularly conspicuous and revealing aspect of most contemporary political systems. They highlight and dramatize a Political System, bringing its nature into sharp relief, and providing insights into other aspects of the system as a wholeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦Ã‚  [3]   Popular elections are at the heart of representative democracy. And, that holding periodic election is the hallmark of representative democracy based on the active interest of the people. The functioning of democracy demands maximum involvement and participation of the masses in democratic process of the country.  [4]  These are the central democratic procedure for selecting and controlling leaders.  [5]  Elections are episodes of political action during which the preferences of citizens and the conduct of politicians, based on their past agency record and their prospective promises, intersects and interact.  [6]  In the opinion of Robert A. Dhal, the election is the central technique for ensuring that government leaders will be relatively responsible to non-leaders.  [7]  The political class sees elections as an opportunity for renewing their mandate to exercise legitimate power. In this sense, elections constitute a vital bridge linking the masses to the political c lass.  [8]  In addition, growing commitment to democratic elections is also an affirmation of a growing popular commitment to the rule of law.  [9]  Democracy, particularly, its liberal version, may be defined as a system of governance in which rulers are held accountable for their actions in the public realms of citizens, acting indirectly through competition and cooperation of their elected representatives.  [10]   In fact, elections in a democratic system of governance provide the voter with a meaningful choice of candidates, and are distinguished by several characteristics, including a universal franchise, a secret ballot, the involvement of political parties, contests in every, or almost every, constituency and campaigns regulated by strict and fair rules.  [11]  This implies extensive competition for power; highly inclusive citizenship and extensive civil and political liberties. Also, in-between elections, citizens must be able to influence public policy through various non-electoral means like interest group associations and social movements, which invariably involve cooperation and competition among citizens.  [12]   The use of elections in the modern era dates to the emergence of representative government in Europe and North America since the 17th century.  [13]  Modern democracies are typically based on representative models in which citizens elect their representatives to govern and frame policies on their behalf. Full democracies are those systems in which there are universal suffrage, regular elections, an independent judiciary, relatively equal access to power for all groups, and extensive civil liberties that are combined with protection for minorities and disadvantaged groups.  [14]   The developments and want for electoral democracy across societies are quite fascinating. Indeed, some twenty-five years ago there were only about thirty-five democracies across the world, most of them being wealthy and industrialized nations, particularly in the West. Today, the number has grown to about 120. Huntington (1999) argues that at least thirty countries turned democracies between 1974 and 1990;  [15]  while Diamond (1997) takes Freedom House data to show that that the number of democracies increased from 39 in 1974 to 118 in 1996.  [16]  Consequently, and more precisely, democratic government out-numbered all other governments. Jaggers and Gurr (1995) claim that the proportions of the democracies rose from 27 percent in 1975 to 50 percent in 1994.  [17]   It is assumed by critics that many of the new democracies are being hollowed out.  [18]  The effect is the spread of electoral democracy where political parties battle for control of government through comparatively free and fair election;  [19]  but not liberal democracy with an effective rule of law behind individual and minority freedoms and protections.  [20]  A claim to liberal democracy may serve to legitimize state authority nearly everywhere, but the reality falls far short of the global triumph of liberal democratic government. The remarkable consensus concerning the legitimacy of liberal democracy served as the premise of Fukuyamas thesis on the end of history.  [21]  Doubts about the quality of new democracies imply that the new democracies may enshrine democratic principles that fail to operate in practice, and that the populations do not therefore enjoy liberal democratic freedoms. Defining electoral politics Though psephologist and scholars often make use of the term electoral politics, the phrase is, very rarely defined accurately. Still, as term in common political discourse goes, this is, in particular, not vague or elastic. The definition that follows is partly descriptive; that is to say, it is designed to reflect what most people seem to mean when they use the term and to suggest what the term ought to. The word election is of Latin origin and is derived from the root eligere. Election literary connotes, the public choice of person for office. It may be regarded as a form of procedure recognized by the rules of an organization, whereby all or some of the members of the organization choose a smaller number of persons or one person to hold office of authority in the organization.  [22]  According to Websters dictionary, election means the act or process of choosing a person for an office, position or membership by voting. An election, as William B. Munro (1926) writes long ago, consists of a regular series of events.  [23]  These events differ from political system to another as provided by the respective legal provisions of that particular system, but always include voter registration, nominations of candidates, seeking access to the electorate, voters preferences and the like. It is a formal act of collective decision that occurs in a stream of connected antecedent and subsequent behaviour.  [24]  Elections are the principal mechanism by which the citizens hold government accountable, both retrospectively for their policies and more generally for the manner in which they govern.  [25]  Hence, it can be said that electoral politics is the study of the political process, involved in the electoral process, ranging from the nomination of candidates to the final outcome of an election and can be conceptualized as a set of activities, in strategic cooperation between numerous participants in t he electoral process. This naturally involves the study of campaign strategies (the electoral behaviour), and the mobilisation of resources by political parties and the candidates; the role of youth power, organised groups and influentials. In simple terms, electoral politics is s an index of popular consciousness, articulation and participation of the electorate in the decision  [26]  of the society. Electoral politics seeks to analyze the major features in the conduct of elections, democratic or otherwise, and the process involved therein to ascertain electorate opinion of a given geographical area. It is through election that political preferences of the electors are expressed and ordered. The process of electoral politics presents the electors with a decision task that requires a particular choice between the contending candidates. Thus it may be said that electoral politics, is a means of translating the popular will into an elected assembly.  [27]  But at the same time it must be conceded that elections are clumsy instruments of choice.  [28]  In such circumstances, the study of election and electoral system has been a continuing source of interdisciplinary conflict, largely between political scientist s and sociologists.  [29]   The Review of Literature: There is considerable body of theoretical and empirical literature on elections and its allied discipline, in both the developed and developing democracies, that identifies several functions performed by elections in liberal democracies. A brief history of the literature available so far is examined in the pages that follow: Scholarly studies of electoral politics have a long and vibrant history. Most works on electoral politics primarily focus on voting behavior. The 1940s saw the birth of scientific use of survey research to examine academic voting research in the study of electoral politics. Under the direction of Paul Lazarsfeld, the Bureau of Applied Social Research at Columbia University interviewed a probability sample of Erie County, Ohio, during the Roosevelt-Wilkie presidential race.  [30]  The findings of the study were published in the book titled The People Choice.  [31]  The authors determine why people vote as they do focusing mainly on social groupings, religion, and residence. They argue that people tend to vote with their groups, and to that extent people take longer time to arrive at voting choice. Later, a second panel study conducted by the Columbian School in 1948 provided a more influential book, Voting.  [32]  It examines the factors that make people vote the way they do based on the famous Elmira Study, carried out by a team of skilled social scientists during the 1948 presidential campaign. It shows how voting is affected by social class, religious background, family loyalties, local pressure groups, mass communication media, and other factors. The work of Lazarsfeld and his Columbia colleagues demonstrated the rich potential of election surveys as data for understanding campaigns and elections. The next, and even more important, advance in election studies emerged in the following decade at the University of Michigan.  [33]  It created the most significant milestone in the whole tenet of electoral research, The American Voter.  [34]  It explored the so-called psychological model, in its study explaining peoples political choices; and found out how people voted were mainly their party identification. The work established a baseline for most of the scholarly debate that has followed in the decades since.  [35]  However, political scientist like V.O. Key  [36]  attacked this work, in which he famously asserted, voters are not fools. Key argues against the implications of Campbell et al.s book, and Converses later addition,  [37]  about the ignorance and unreliability of American voters. He analyzed public opinion data and electoral returns to show what he believed to be the rationality of voters choices as political decisions rather than responses to psychological stimuli.  [38]   In the years that followed, Nie, Verba, Petrocik  [39]  presents one of the best treatments on the subject in the form of The Changing American Voter. It analyzes and evaluates the changes which have taken place since the publication of The American Voter. The resultant is that electorate has both responded and contributed to the major political shifts of the 60s and 70s; it depicts how and why by citing substantial statistics and figures. However, this argument finds many critics. Among them, Smith  [40]  posits a more bleak political landscape in which the typical voter knows little about politics is not interested in the political arena and consequently does not participate in it. To support this view, Smith demonstrates how the indices used by Nie, Verba, and Petrocik during the 1960s were methodologically flawed and how a closer examination of supposed changes reveals only superficial and unimportant shifts in the ways voters have approached the ballot box since the 195 0s. Miller and Shanks  [41]  in their study, presents a comprehensive analysis of American voting patterns from 1952 through the early 1990s, with special emphasis on the 1992 election, based on data collected by the National Election Studies. It also presents a unique social and economic picture of partisanship and participation in the American electoral process. Michael S. Lewis-Beck  [42]  re-creates the outstanding 1960 classic, The American Voter, by following the same format, theory, and mode of analysis as the original in the form of The American Voter Revisited. It discovers that voting behaviour has been remarkably consistent over the last half century and quite surprisingly, the contemporary American voter is found to behave politically much like voters of the 1950s. Across the Atlantic, the study of electoral behaviour was no less momentous. A number of scholars and researcher, alike took up the topic in academic research till date. Butler and Stokes  [43]  offer an explaination of British voting behaviour since 1945 with greater emphasis on sociological and historical factors and on changes at the macro and elite level. Harrison  [44]  provide a detailed explanation of how the British political system came to acquire the form it has today by analysing topics such as civil liberties, pressure groups, parliament, elections and the parties, central and local government, cabinet, and monarchy. Birch  [45]  provides a comprehensive account of British political institutions, of the way in which they operate, and of the society in which they developed. Pugh  [46]  present an insightful survey of changes in British politics since the election of 1945 and examines Labour Partys evolution into a national rather than sectional party. David Powell  [47]  examine British politics on the eve of war, the author assesses the impact of war on the parties and the political system and the process of realignment that followed in the interwar period. Hough and Jeffery  [48]  present a comparative perspective on the new dynamics of electoral competition following devolution to Scotland and Wales. It brings together leading experts on elections, political parties and regional politics from Britain, Europe and North America to explore the dynamics and interactions of national and regional arenas of electoral competition. Johnston and Pattie  [49]  analyses the dynamics of electoral behaviour into its geographical context. They show how voters and parties are affected by, and in turn influence, both national and local forces. Kavanagh  [50]  analyse the methods of political choice and decision-making in electoral democratic institutions. The focus throughout is on key topics of voting behavior, election rules, the media, election pacts, and the consequences of elections. Wolfinger and Rosenstone  [51]  present an assessment of the sociological, motivational, and political factors that account for variation in electoral participation. Lupia and. Harrop and Miller  [52]  examine competitive electoral systems as well as non-competitive ones. McCubbins  [53]  present an impressive treatment of one of the most important issues in democratic theory: the individuals inability to make fully informed decisions. It redefines the research agenda in democratic theory and information and also intends to lay foundations of a new theoretical approach to institutional design Bendor, Diermeier, Siegel and Ting  [54]  provides a behavioral theory of elections based on the notion that all actors, that is, both politicians as well as voters are only bounded rationally. The theory constructs formal models of party competition, turnout, and voters choices of candidates and the like. These models predict substantial turnout levels, voters sorting into parties, and winning parties adopting centrist platforms. Bogdanor Butler  [55]  analyses the main electoral systems of modern democracies, and places them in their institutional and historical context. Diamond and Plattner  [56]  addresses electoral systems and democracy comparing the experiences of diverse countries, from Latin America to southern Africa, from Uruguay, Japan, and Taiwan to Israel, Afghanistan, and Iraq. As the number of democracies has increased around the world, a heated debate has emerged among experts about which system best promotes the consolidation of democracy. Diamond  [57]  sets forth a distinctive theoretical perspective on democratic evolution and consolidation in the late twentieth century. These include strong political institutions, appropriate institutional designs, decentralization of power, a vibrant civil society, and improved economic and political performance. Courtney  [58]  argues that elections are governed by accepted rules and procedures of the political system and it is important for citizens to understand their own electoral system. Sawer  [59]  presents an edited volume on Australian electoral history providing a broad commentary on continuing democratic challenges. Roberts  [60]  provides explanations and analysis of the German federal electoral system; discusses the role of electoral politics in relation to political parties and to the public. Lindberg  [61]  studies elections as a core institution of liberal democracy in the context of newly democratizing countries. He gathers data from every nationally contested election in Africa from 1989 to 2003, covering 232 elections in 44 countries, argues that democratizing nations learn to become democratic through repeated democratic behavior, even if their elections are often flawed. Cowen Laakso  [62]  presents electoral studies of multi-party politics in 14 African countries during the 1990s. Hesseling  [63]  offers theoretical and historical assessments of election observation and evaluates policies and their implementation in specific case studies. Diamond and Plattner  [64]  examines the state of progress of democracy in Africa at the end of the 1990s. The past decades third wave of democratization, the contributors argue, has been characterized by retreats as well as advances. Piombo and Nijzik  [65]  in their edited work give an account of democratic elections in South Africa since April 1994 after her liberation. Norris  [66]  analyses whether there are legitimate grounds for concern about public support for democracy world-wide; or are there political, economic, and cultural factors driving the dynamics of support for democratic government. It shows how citizens in contemporary democracies relate to their governments. Later on, Norris  [67]  focuses on democratic deficits, reflecting how far the perceived democratic performance of any state diverges from public expectations Popkin  [68]  concludes that voters make informed logical choices by analyzing three primary campaigns Carter in 1976; Bush and Reagan in 1980; and Hart, Mondale, and Jackson in 1984 to arrive at a new model of the way voters sort through commercials and sound bites to choose a candidate. Powell  [69]  argues that elections are instrumental in linking the preferences of citizens to the behaviour of policymakers His empirical findings prove that if this is taken as the main function of democratic elections the proportional vision and its designs enjoyed a clear advantage over their majoritarian counterparts in using elections as instruments of democracy.  [70]  Brennan and Lomasky  [71]  offer a compelling challenge to the central premises of the prevailing theories of voting behavior. Niemi and Weiberg  [72]  present collection of essays that explore some of the controversies in the study and understanding of voting behavior. Caplan  [73]  takes a persistent look at how people who vote under the influence of false beliefs ultimately end up with government that delivers miserable results. LeDuc, Niemi and Norris  [74]  in their edited volume provide a broad theoretical and comparative understanding of all the key topics associated with the elections including electoral and party systems, voter choice and turnout, campaign communications, and the new politics of direct democracy. Zuckerman  [75]  in his edited volume uses classic theories to explain individuals political decisions by a range of political scientists; advances theory and method in the study of political behavior and returns the social logic of politics to the heart of political science. Cox  [76]  employs a unified game-theoretic model to study strategic coordination worldwide that relies primarily on constituency-level rather than national aggregate data in testing theoretical propositions about the effects of electoral laws. Norris  [77]  gives a masterpiece of synthesis, original theorizing, and empirical analysis of an impressively large number and variety of cases. This book looks at public opinion data linking attitudes, party choices, and electoral systems in ways that the game theory literature usually fails to come to grips with. Norris combines institutional and survey data from 32 widely different countries to assess the possibilities and limitations of implanting democracy through institutional engineering. Franklin  [78]  demonstrate how voter turnout can serve as an indicator of the health of a democracy, and concludes that declining turnout does not necessarily reflect reductions in civic virtue or increases in alienation. Dalton  [79]  introduces the reader to the knowledge we have of comparative political behavior, and the implications of these findings. The analyses focus on the United States, Great Britain, Germany, and France in a broad cross-national context. Dalton offers the theory that the quality of citizen politics is alive and well whereas the institutions of democracy are in disarray. Further, Dalton  [80]  documents the erosion of political support in virtually all advanced industrial democracies. It traces the current challenges to democracy owing to changing citizen values and rising expectations. The author finds that these expectations are making governing more difficult, but also fueling demands for political reform. Prysby and Books  [81]  examines how and why individual political behavior can be influenced by various contextual characteristics of the locality in which the individual resides, an

How to improve homeland security in the United States Essay

Since the occurrence of the September 9, 2001 terrorist’s attacks and the constant threats by international terrorists such as the al Qaeda, and given the upsurge in other domestic terrorist networks within the United States, several agencies have had to be high on the alert for possible attacks. Moreover, other industries have also experienced the adverse effect of this menace. The entertainment industry for instance, was at an all time low point after the terrorist attacks of September 9, 2001. Woody Allen (2001) observed that â€Å"Everywhere you look in Hollywood since that tragic day; the entertainment landscape has been transformed, as if ripped asunder by a massive earthquake. People have come to work feeling like jittery sleepwalkers, especially after the studios received FBI warnings late last week that they could be possible targets for terrorism. Nearly every studio has been postponing films, giving them face lifts or tossing scripts out the window. â€Å" Los Angeles Times 09/25/01 Despite efforts made by U. S. n liaison with other countries to root out this evil, terrorists’ organizations continue to arm themselves with various complex assortments of weapons, and training their disciples each dawn. The problem of terrorism has further been complicated by terrorist friendly countries that provide financial support, military equipment and other kinds of assistance that help perpetrate the crime. As Rondea (2008) posits ‘Right now, terrorist friendly countries allow or support schools, training facilities and institutions that indoctrinate children into terrorist cause at a very early age. They are literally growing terrorists and terrorist sympathizers. Without ever having met an American, these children grow up into men and women who hate us and believe it is their duty to destroy our nation. These complex dynamic further complicates the problem, making efforts to stop terrorism futile. It is due to these eminent problems that this study has been undertaken in order to counter this problem and thus improve security in the United States. Greater focus has been put on the three most sensitive areas that have been frequently used in the past by terrorists to gain access to the United States. These key areas are: the aviation transport department, the visa waiver program, and the information technology. Aviation Transport Department America’s system for protecting and controlling commercial aviation and guaranteeing its citizens’ safety continues to be a major are of concern, especially after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The Transportation Security System (TSA) employs the use of covert testing to discover techniques that are likely to be used by terrorists (Friedlander et. al 1979). This helps in identifying vulnerabilities and measuring the level of performance of airport systems. One of the methods used during these tests involve passing threat objects through passenger and luggage screening systems. This has been prompted by the realization that some terrorists smuggle dangerous chemicals onboard aircraft in order to construct explosives in flight (Clovis, 2008). Aviation security is made up of several layers. One layer involves the federal government’s ability to respond to threats, both actual and potential, while an aircraft is in flight. The Aviation and Transportation security Act which was enacted in November 2001 formed TSA as the agency in charge of securing all forms of transportation. TSA has since then, cooperated with other stakeholders in developing a layered approach that would guarantee the security of commercial aviation. This approach involves diverse yet coordinated measures that include providing flight and cabin crews with essential security training, thorough and systematic screening of travelers’ and luggage (Dacey, 2003). Response to an in-flight threat is, however, a duty well beyond the jurisdiction of the TSA. It involves four other departments namely: Justice, Defense, transportation, Homeland Security and the National Counterterrorism Center (NCTC). These agencies may coordinate their activities using interagency communication tools in case of security threats arising during in-flight. This coordination efforts are however not only intricate and complex, but also involving. The stages involved include: identifying and notifying concerned agencies of suspected threat; discussing pertinent information and working in collaboration to assess the degree of the threat; making a decision on the action to be undertaken to counter the threat, and taking the action; and where necessary, finalizing the law enforcement response upon landing of the flight (Claude, 2008). TSA working in coordination with DHS has made some progress to counter threats in the aviation industry. TSA has for instance, designed covert testing programs on a national and local level. These programs are risk-based and are aimed at achieving its goals of identifying and mitigating vulnerabilities in the aviation security system. Secondly, during the past seven years, several successful interagency operations have been undertaken by federal agencies, some of which have led to arrest and return of suspected terrorists to the United States to face trial. In addition, TSA’s Office of Inspection (OI) has utilized information on terrorist threats to improve its national covert tests and to select suitable airports for tests based on the likelihood of attack by terrorists. Moreover, the federal agencies have carried out more than 200 tests involving federal agencies, state and local participants. However, some tests conducted by TSA have occasionally failed. It is suggested that some of these failures may have been a direct result of poor screening equipment that fails to detect threat objects or a failure on the part of Transportation Security Officers (TSOs) to follow the screening procedures properly. Given that OI does not systematically record reasons for test failures, such failures can potentially limit TSA’s ability to counter identified vulnerabilities. Various suggestions are, therefore offered to help mitigate vulnerability that may arise as a result of such factors. First, documenting all specific causes for test failures related to Transportation Security Officers (TSOs) and those related to screening procedures, is critical to aviation security. This documentation should be done in the covert testing database in order to help TSA recognize areas that need improvement and undertake the necessary steps towards making these improvements. It is also suggested that a systematic process of collecting, analyzing, passing of information on effective practices that are used by airports whose security levels are commendable, need to be put in place at other airports to help TSA managers improve the standards of operation in checkpoint screening operations. Moreover, the Office of Security Operations (OSO) needs to consider in time all recommendations that OI makes as a direct result of covert tests. It should then state its rationale for undertaking or not undertaking to address the recommendations made. In addition, an evaluation need to be done to see whether the steps taken to implement OI’s recommendation actually countered the identified vulnerability or did not. These evaluation needs to be developed by OSO since they are better placed to make follow up and see the changes brought by implementations recommended (Dacey, 2003). Finally, it is also recommended that in order to mitigate vulnerabilities in the transportation security system, threat and risk assessment need to be done. Billions of dollars are spent by the United States annually in countering terrorism yet it is doubtful that these funds are channeled in the right amounts or even in the right programs. An assessment would be beneficial in helping target these funds, consider priority activities and avoid duplicating effort (Dacey, 2003). Cybersecurity Federal agencies are confronted with constant cybersecurity threats brought about by the increase in sophisticated attack methods or the transformation of typical attacks into complex forms that render efforts to counter them almost impossible. Some notable examples include unsolicited commercial e-mail (spam), messages aimed at fraudulently obtaining personal or sensitive data (phishing) and software that monitors the activities of the user without the user being aware or consenting to such intrusion (spyware) (Hare, 2008). Even though initiatives have been undertaken by several entities operating within the federal government, the risk posed by the blending of these threats cannot easily be mitigated with the available equipment at the moment. Some of the initiatives already undertaken include: enlightening consumers about these threats, and targeting computer crime (Perrow, 2007). The United States Government Accountability Office (GAO) recommended that in order to ensure cybersecurity, a number of measures would need to be undertaken. Firstly, DHS’s United States Computer Emergency Readiness Team (US-CERT) would have to conduct frequent cyber analysis and warnings in order to make timely detection of attacks and threats. Secondly, frequent cyber attack exercises should be conducted and lessons learned be fully implemented. According to GAO’s recommendation, this can be accomplished by completing all corrective activities that the department identifies. Lastly, a strategy should be established to coordinate efforts aimed at securing or improving control system cyber security (U. S. G. P. O. 2004). The coordination efforts should include sharing of vulnerability information with other federal agencies as well as the private sector (Friedlander et. al 1979). In addition, other recommendations made to GAO to mitigate these threats include performing risk assessment periodically, implementing policies and procedures that are risk based to counter identified risks, educating and providing the staffs with security- awareness training and establishing procedures which will help in detecting, reporting and responding to issues regarding cybersecurity threats (Rondeau, 2008). Visa Waiver Program (VWP) The Visa Waiver Program provides way through which citizens of 27 countries can gain access to the United States for a period of 90 days without obtaining a visa (Moss & Michael, 2006). The terroristic attacks of 9-11, however, brought major concerns of the risk of foreigners with malicious intentions gaining entry into the United States. Consequently, tougher measures have had to be imposed to mitigate this potential threat. At the moment, foreigners from VWP countries are required to provide bibliographical information to the Customs and Border Protection (CBP) department before leaving for the United States (Saunter & Carafano, 2005). This is in accordance with the Recommendations made in the 9/11 Commission Act of 2007, Public Law 110-53, and Aug. , 2007, which also stipulates the guidelines to be adhered to by aliens from VWP countries wishing to travel to the United States either by air or sea. The amendments done to DHS regulations by the interim final rule allows for consideration of countries whose visa refusal rates laid between 3 and 10 percent in the previous fiscal year. Moreover, the regulation provides for the automation of the 1-94W process electronically in addition to enabling the provision of VWP traveler data in advance prior to travel by the individual. This is beneficial as it allows for a thorough scrutiny of the traveler’s documents well in advance before such individual enters the United States (Stiefel, 2008). The VWP however, still has some inherent risks that need to be tackled. Even though DHS has been successful in intercepting many counterfeit documents, an undetermined number of inadmissible foreigners have gained entry into the United States using a lost or stolen passport from a visa waiver country. Secondly, although the program eases consular workload, border inspectors face numerous challenges when screening VWP travelers. Notable among these challenges is the issue of language barrier and that of limited duration for conducting in-depth interviews (Wright & Wiesenger 2008). Moreover, due to insufficient funds, DHS’s monitoring unit cannot attain its main objective of monitoring and providing report on the ongoing security concerns in VWP member countries. Consequently, GAO recommended that in order to mitigate these risks, a number of actions will have to be implemented. First, DHS must incorporate biometric indicators into the air exit system in order to keep its power of admitting other countries into the program. Secondly, it needs to certify that the Electronic System for Travel Authorization (ESTA) used for screening visa waiver foreigners before they travel to the U. S. is fully in operation by early January, 2009 (Moss & Michael, 2006). The certification will grant DHS power to expand the VWP to countries with visa refusal rates of between 3 and 10 percent. Thirdly, it is also proposed that a clear process be established in coordination with the Department of state and Justice to assist in determining criteria to be employed in considering countries to be included in the program, timelines for their nomination and negotiation of bilateral agreements meant to implement the legislative requirements of the program. Lastly, it was suggested that an office be designated whose purpose would be to develop overstay rate information to monitor whether VWP countries comply with the statutory requirements of the VWP (U. S. G. P. O. 2004). Conclusion New methods for improving homeland security in the United States were the main focus for this study. Particular emphasis was however, laid on the Aviation transport sector, the implementation of the visa waiver program, in accordance with the standards recommended by GAO and on effective methods of countering the risks brought on information technology equipment through computer crime. It can be seen from the study that the effective function of the key security areas discussed lies in the implementation of the weaknesses identified by the researcher and those recommended by GAO following a prior assessment of the operations of these key areas. After these recommendations are implemented, it is believed that homeland security will have been greatly improved. In conclusion, therefore, future research on the improvement of homeland security should address both merits and the drawbacks experienced upon implementation of the proposed changes.

Flower Festival in Vietnam

Da L? t Flower Festival Da Lat Flower Festival is a famous annual event not only in Vietnam but also in Asian region. It is frequently held in the spring to celebrate the charming nature beauty of the city. Every year, a large number of tourists, especially nature lovers, are fascinated by contemplating works of arts made of flowers. On the occasion of this festival, there is a compelling chain of events that you can not take your eyes off.In preparation for the festival, the local people have to complete a lot of things. The first fundamental step is to set up essential infrastructure systems, such as lighting, sound equipment and background iron frames. These tools are used to help artists decorate and honor the beauty of thousands of flower species. Next, many craftsmen put floral decoration into right orders, according to the planned picture. Therefore, along the city, tourists can easily remark a consistently meaningful message.Throughout the festival, we can see many special ac tivities taken place on this event. All of activities are organized in six days on the theme of flowers. Initially, there is an International Gallery and Exhibition of Flower and Ornaments performed at Da Lat garden. After that, along Xuan Huong Lakeshore, everyone can enjoy flower exhibition and lively street parade. Finally, the Ceremony of DaLat Flower Festival is officially held at DaLat square.Although almost celebrating activities take place before the official ceremony, people look forward to this important event which gives splendid performances. Besides, everyone participating in this event has the opportunity to watch and take part in various categories of extra activities, such as Festival for Street Dances, Wine Festival, Street Festival â€Å"Flower and Light†, Flower Market†¦ These activities are held in order to serve Da Lat people in particular as well as tourists in general.Especially, people will have a chance to enjoy the fabulous fireworks displayed o n Xuan Huong Lake. It would be an unforgetable experience that you should try. During the festival, tourists seems to be lost in an exciting world of colour and fragrance because flowers are everywhere. Therefore, this is a good potential chance for developing tourism, advertising image of the country that brings a lot of benefits to not only local people but also the Vietnamese. It would be wise for our government to make more investment in such an event. Y? n Hoa

The Scramble for Africa in Late 19th Century to Early 20th...

During the late 19th century and the early 20th century, European countries began their scramble for Africa which caused African to suffer from violence like wars, slavery and unfairness, but there was also a positive, peaceful and diplomatic consequences and events in Africa like fair trade system, new technology and the security given to Africans under European rule. An additional document written by an African commoner would help to further assess the African actions and reactions by telling what happened to them during that time period and their reaction towards that issue. European imperialism in Africa mainly caused violent acts and suffering to the African natives but there were positive event. Before European imperialisms,†¦show more content†¦However, Africans had a strong sense of nationalism, especially women, like Yaa Asantewa. As queen she saw the cowardliness of the chiefs and gave them a long speech about the bravery of Ashanti is gone and if they aren’t willing to go forward and protect the country, the women will. They would hold arms against the Europeans until the last of them dies (Doc. 6). Also chief Maherero wrote a letter to another chief in order to help persuade him to take arms against the Europeans, to fight rather than die from weakly disease or maltreatment, etc. (Doc 7). This shows that’s strong sense of nationalism within Africa. Even though there were mostly war and violence, the source of suffering in Africa, there were also peaceful and positive means in colonization. Africans and Europeans signed a contract calling for equal trade, fairness, bettering of the people, no war and not interfering with native laws and customs. (Doc. 1) However, because of the contact between African and Europeans through wars and other forms of contact, improved technologies were brought to African through the Europeans (Doc. 5). For example, machine guns, cannons and strategies and formation skills helped influenced the warfare in Africa, like the Battle of Adowa, where Ethiopians fought against the Italians and won. Also, Prempeh IShow MoreRelatedCompare and Contrast Old and New Imperialism Essay1217 Words   |  5 PagesCompare and Contrast old and new imperialism New Imperialism of the late 19th and early 20th centuries compared to Old Imperialism of the 16th and 17th centuries. Imperialism is the spread of control over territories across the globe. The Industrial Revolution and interests in nationalism created a new period of imperialism around 1750. 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